In the bustling port city of Tianjin, where skyscrapers pierce the humid skyline and the Bohai Sea whispers of ancient trade routes, the 2025 Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit unfolded like a meticulously scripted epic. Russian President Vladimir Putin, stepping onto a crimson carpet amid fanfare, joined Chinese President Xi Jinping, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and a cadre of leaders from Iran, Pakistan, and beyond. This “largest-ever” gathering, as Beijing proudly proclaimed, aimed to chart a “blueprint for the bloc’s next decade,” emphasizing unity among Global South nations amid stalled Ukraine peace talks and escalating U.S. trade pressures. Yet, as confetti settled and bilateral handshakes dominated headlines, a lingering question echoed: Is the SCO just a power show for China, a dazzling display of Beijing’s influence, or does it hold substantive value for its diverse membership?
A Chinese Spectacle or Shared Platform?
Founded in 2001 as a bulwark against U.S. influence in Central Asia, the SCO has ballooned to 10 full members: China, Russia, India, Pakistan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and newcomer Belarus. On paper, it’s a Eurasian powerhouse promoting security, economic ties, and political dialogue. But critics argue it’s predominantly China’s stage, with Beijing leveraging its economic heft to steer the narrative.
From one angle, the summit exuded Chinese dominance. Xi hosted lavish galas, positioned himself centrally in group photos alongside Putin and UN Secretary-General António Guterres, and pushed agendas like the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) expansions. State media hailed it as a “new era of cooperation,” with humanoid robots and military parades underscoring Beijing’s tech prowess and soft power. Analysts note China’s role in stabilizing border regions and promoting a “favorable regional order,” often at the expense of smaller members’ autonomy. Russia’s diminished clout post-Ukraine invasion further amplifies Beijing’s lead, turning the SCO into a venue for Sino-Russian alignment against Western sanctions.
Yet, this view overlooks nuances. The SCO isn’t a monolith; it’s a patchwork of interests where members like India and Pakistan pursue independent agendas. Modi, for instance, used the sidelines to mend ties with Xi, signaling India’s pragmatic hedging amid U.S. tariffs. Erdoğan’s presence added volatility, blending NATO loyalties with SCO flirtations. Social media buzzed with skepticism—posts labeling it “Xi’s vanity stage” or a “sandbox for bullies”—but also highlighted its role in empowering the Global South. In essence, while China orchestrates the show, the SCO’s expansion lends it legitimacy as a non-Western multilateral forum, challenging U.S.-led structures without fully succumbing to Beijing’s script.
Benefits for SCO Members Beyond China’s Shadow
Is there anything in the SCO that benefits countries other than China? Absolutely, though gains vary by member and often intertwine with Beijing’s initiatives.
For Russia, the bloc offers a lifeline amid isolation. Putin lauded Moscow-Beijing ties as “unprecedentedly high,” using the summit to align on Ukraine and secure energy deals. Iran gains diplomatic cover for its nuclear ambitions and economic outlets via BRI connectivity. Central Asian states like Kazakhstan benefit from security pacts combating terrorism and extremism, fostering stability without heavy reliance on the West.
India reaps strategic dividends too, despite border tensions with China. Membership enhances New Delhi’s Eurasian footprint, aiding energy security and counter-terrorism coordination—evident in Modi’s emphasis on peace in Ukraine. Pakistan leverages it for economic corridors and anti-India rhetoric, though experts warn of over-dependence on China. Overall, the SCO’s anti-terror drills, trade facilitation, and de-dollarization pushes provide tangible perks, like infrastructure boosts and alternative finance, benefiting smaller economies in a U.S.-dominated world. These aren’t mere crumbs; they’re tools for sovereignty in a multipolar arena.
Trump’s Tariffs: The SCO’s Biggest Headache
Are U.S. tariffs the biggest problem for SCO countries? Trump’s shadow loomed large over Tianjin, with his 50% duties on Indian goods, 145% on Chinese imports, and threats to BRICS nations fueling grievances. For India, these hikes—punishing Russian oil buys—threaten exporters and jobs, pushing Modi toward Beijing. China faces factory slumps and trade disruptions, while Russia contends with secondary sanctions.
Yet, tariffs aren’t the sole Goliath. The Ukraine war remains pivotal, with Putin seeking alignment on stalled talks and Zelenskyy rejecting China’s mediation role. Internal rifts—India-Pakistan tensions, India’s Quad commitments—dilute cohesion. Economic disparities and cybersecurity threats also loom. Tariffs exacerbate vulnerabilities but intersect with broader issues like energy security and regional conflicts, making them a catalyst rather than the core affliction.
Can the SCO Formulate a Global Strategy on Tariffs?
Will the SCO formulate a global strategy on Trump tariffs? The summit buzzed with tariff talks, leaders discussing de-dollarization, SCO banks, and local currency settlements to blunt U.S. leverage. Yet, unity is elusive. India’s pro-West tilt and border distrust complicate consensus, while Russia’s Ukraine focus diverts attention.
From all angles, potential exists but hurdles abound. A collective WTO challenge or mirrored tariffs could emerge, but divergent interests—e.g., India’s Europe pivot—may fragment efforts. Optimists see it as a “strategic investment hub” for emerging markets; skeptics view it as rhetoric-heavy. Outcomes? A declaration on trade resilience, but no binding anti-tariff pact.
Strategies SCO Members Can Adopt
What kind of strategy can SCO member countries adopt? Diversification tops the list: India eyes EU and ASEAN pacts, tax relief for MSMEs, and domestic boosts. China sells U.S. Treasuries, weakens the yuan, and probes anti-dumping. Collective moves include SCO currency mechanisms and BRI synergies. Individually, retaliation (Canada’s style) or negotiation (Japan’s investments) offer paths. South-South ties and reformed multilateralism could counter hegemony.
In Tianjin’s glow, the SCO revealed itself as more than spectacle—yet less than revolution. As tariffs bite and wars rage, its true test lies in translating unity into action, benefiting all amid a fracturing world order.
